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Как же всё-таки найти «Открытое пространство»? Давайте напомним вам!

Под конец прошлого года мы переехали на новый адрес — Рубинштейна, 25

ОП расположилось в самом центре Санкт-Петербурга в одном из маленьких дворов дома, где жил писатель Сергей Довлатов

Нас не всегда находят с первой попытки, поэтому ловите небольшую инструкцию о том, как дойти ➡️

Заходите во двор дома на Рубинштейна, 23 → далее в арку налево → на выходе из арки вы сразу увидите дверь, выкрашенную под дерево ☑️



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Как же всё-таки найти «Открытое пространство»? Давайте напомним вам!

Под конец прошлого года мы переехали на новый адрес — Рубинштейна, 25

ОП расположилось в самом центре Санкт-Петербурга в одном из маленьких дворов дома, где жил писатель Сергей Довлатов

Нас не всегда находят с первой попытки, поэтому ловите небольшую инструкцию о том, как дойти ➡️

Заходите во двор дома на Рубинштейна, 23 → далее в арку налево → на выходе из арки вы сразу увидите дверь, выкрашенную под дерево ☑️

BY Открытое пространство в СПб






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For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. The original Telegram channel has expanded into a web of accounts for different locations, including specific pages made for individual Russian cities. There's also an English-language website, which states it is owned by the people who run the Telegram channels. On Telegram’s website, it says that Pavel Durov “supports Telegram financially and ideologically while Nikolai (Duvov)’s input is technological.” Currently, the Telegram team is based in Dubai, having moved around from Berlin, London and Singapore after departing Russia. Meanwhile, the company which owns Telegram is registered in the British Virgin Islands. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations.
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