🛣️☺️☺️☺️👮♂️ ЮИДовцы школы №26, вместе с сотрудниками Госавтоинспекции г. Новороссийска, поздравили мам с Днём матери
💐 Цветы, открытки, тёплые слова и искренние пожелания- стали хорошим подарком в этот тёплый ноябрьский день Мамы благодарили ребят и отвечали на поздравления красивой улыбкой.
🛣️☺️☺️☺️👮♂️ ЮИДовцы школы №26, вместе с сотрудниками Госавтоинспекции г. Новороссийска, поздравили мам с Днём матери
💐 Цветы, открытки, тёплые слова и искренние пожелания- стали хорошим подарком в этот тёплый ноябрьский день Мамы благодарили ребят и отвечали на поздравления красивой улыбкой.
NEWS "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
from fr
