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"Убить? Убить да, можно...

А вот сохранить жизнь - ... вот в этом сила. Сила в том, что мы не убили их, а взяли их в плен.

Каждый сам выбирает свою дорогу".

©Гонг, 7 ШО

Из док. фильма "Я иду домой".

Фото: первые кадры с пленëнными бойцами ВСУ в Угледаре.

Источник: @voin_dv



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"Убить? Убить да, можно...

А вот сохранить жизнь - ... вот в этом сила. Сила в том, что мы не убили их, а взяли их в плен.

Каждый сам выбирает свою дорогу".

©Гонг, 7 ШО

Из док. фильма "Я иду домой".

Фото: первые кадры с пленëнными бойцами ВСУ в Угледаре.

Источник: @voin_dv

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Oleksandra Matviichuk, a Kyiv-based lawyer and head of the Center for Civil Liberties, called Durov’s position "very weak," and urged concrete improvements. Although some channels have been removed, the curation process is considered opaque and insufficient by analysts. Perpetrators of such fraud use various marketing techniques to attract subscribers on their social media channels. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. "Like the bombing of the maternity ward in Mariupol," he said, "Even before it hits the news, you see the videos on the Telegram channels."
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