Мишустин и Собянин провели тайную встречу на троих. Третьим собеседником был один из силовиков, его имя к этому моменту узнать не удалось.
Мишустин, как и Собянин, входят в условную "партию мира" и старались минимально отсвечивать по теме "спецоперации".
Полное содержание встречи пока неизвестно, но источник в близком окружении Собянина намекнул, что во власти могут обсуждать возврат к варианту преемника Путина, которым станет как раз мэр Москвы, особо незапятнанный темой войны.
Мишустин и Собянин провели тайную встречу на троих. Третьим собеседником был один из силовиков, его имя к этому моменту узнать не удалось.
Мишустин, как и Собянин, входят в условную "партию мира" и старались минимально отсвечивать по теме "спецоперации".
Полное содержание встречи пока неизвестно, но источник в близком окружении Собянина намекнул, что во власти могут обсуждать возврат к варианту преемника Путина, которым станет как раз мэр Москвы, особо незапятнанный темой войны.
The War on Fakes channel has repeatedly attempted to push conspiracies that footage from Ukraine is somehow being falsified. One post on the channel from February 24 claimed without evidence that a widely viewed photo of a Ukrainian woman injured in an airstrike in the city of Chuhuiv was doctored and that the woman was seen in a different photo days later without injuries. The post, which has over 600,000 views, also baselessly claimed that the woman's blood was actually makeup or grape juice. Again, in contrast to Facebook, Google and Twitter, Telegram's founder Pavel Durov runs his company in relative secrecy from Dubai. The account, "War on Fakes," was created on February 24, the same day Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a "special military operation" and troops began invading Ukraine. The page is rife with disinformation, according to The Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies digital extremism and published a report examining the channel. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
from fr
