The collection of essays provides an analysis of qualitative changes in the confi guration of international relations in the late 2010s – early 2020s. A wide range of factors infl uencing Russian foreign policy is analyzed. These include interactions within the triangle “Russia – China – USA”, the geopolitics of Greater Eurasia, problems of identity and historical memory, “soft power,” and political competition in the cyberspace. Particular attention is paid to the causes and probable consequences of the special military operation in Ukraine, as well as the background of the confl ict and post-confl ict settlement in the Western Balkans region.
The collection of essays provides an analysis of qualitative changes in the confi guration of international relations in the late 2010s – early 2020s. A wide range of factors infl uencing Russian foreign policy is analyzed. These include interactions within the triangle “Russia – China – USA”, the geopolitics of Greater Eurasia, problems of identity and historical memory, “soft power,” and political competition in the cyberspace. Particular attention is paid to the causes and probable consequences of the special military operation in Ukraine, as well as the background of the confl ict and post-confl ict settlement in the Western Balkans region.
#новинка
BY Studia Societatis
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The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. "The argument from Telegram is, 'You should trust us because we tell you that we're trustworthy,'" Maréchal said. "It's really in the eye of the beholder whether that's something you want to buy into." On Feb. 27, however, he admitted from his Russian-language account that "Telegram channels are increasingly becoming a source of unverified information related to Ukrainian events." Also in the latest update is the ability for users to create a unique @username from the Settings page, providing others with an easy way to contact them via Search or their t.me/username link without sharing their phone number.
from fr
