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В городском паблике подмосковной Балашихи пишут:

«Футбольное поле в Ольгинском парке. Пришли гости нашего города, сказали ребятам-подросткам уйти, мол они тут будут играть.

А почему не на работе?
Интересно, ОМОН приедет на такой вызов? В других городах приезжает.»


Все в наше непростое время ждут ОМОН. Без ОМОНа никак. Тренд этого лета.



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В городском паблике подмосковной Балашихи пишут:

«Футбольное поле в Ольгинском парке. Пришли гости нашего города, сказали ребятам-подросткам уйти, мол они тут будут играть.

А почему не на работе?
Интересно, ОМОН приедет на такой вызов? В других городах приезжает.»


Все в наше непростое время ждут ОМОН. Без ОМОНа никак. Тренд этого лета.

BY Многонационал




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The channel appears to be part of the broader information war that has developed following Russia's invasion of Ukraine. The Kremlin has paid Russian TikTok influencers to push propaganda, according to a Vice News investigation, while ProPublica found that fake Russian fact check videos had been viewed over a million times on Telegram. Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy." Andrey, a Russian entrepreneur living in Brazil who, fearing retaliation, asked that NPR not use his last name, said Telegram has become one of the few places Russians can access independent news about the war. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. He said that since his platform does not have the capacity to check all channels, it may restrict some in Russia and Ukraine "for the duration of the conflict," but then reversed course hours later after many users complained that Telegram was an important source of information.
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