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По наводке нашёл две статьи Виленкина в журнале Природа о репрессированных математиках, (1991 год номера 6 и 7).

Ничего такого, чего нет в других источниках (кроме нескольких апокрифов, см. картинки), там нет, но прочитать было интересно. И про схему структуры национал-фашистского центра — “Партии Возрождения России"— оттуда узнал (Флоренский, Лузин, Чаплыгин и др. Из допроса Флоренского, может он сам и нарисовал).



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По наводке нашёл две статьи Виленкина в журнале Природа о репрессированных математиках, (1991 год номера 6 и 7).

Ничего такого, чего нет в других источниках (кроме нескольких апокрифов, см. картинки), там нет, но прочитать было интересно. И про схему структуры национал-фашистского центра — “Партии Возрождения России"— оттуда узнал (Флоренский, Лузин, Чаплыгин и др. Из допроса Флоренского, может он сам и нарисовал).

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In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. "Russians are really disconnected from the reality of what happening to their country," Andrey said. "So Telegram has become essential for understanding what's going on to the Russian-speaking world." "There are a lot of things that Telegram could have been doing this whole time. And they know exactly what they are and they've chosen not to do them. That's why I don't trust them," she said. On Feb. 27, however, he admitted from his Russian-language account that "Telegram channels are increasingly becoming a source of unverified information related to Ukrainian events." Oh no. There’s a certain degree of myth-making around what exactly went on, so take everything that follows lightly. Telegram was originally launched as a side project by the Durov brothers, with Nikolai handling the coding and Pavel as CEO, while both were at VK.
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