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݆‌݅‌݅‌݅‌݅‌݅‌ ‌
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݆‌݆‌ ‌݆‌݆‌݆‌݆‌݆ ‌݆‌ ‌݆‌݆‌ ‌݆‌݅‌ ‌ ‌݅‌݅‌݅‌݅‌݅‌ ‌݅‌ ‌ ݅‌݅‌݅‌݅‌݅‌ ݅‌݅‌݅‌݅‌݅‌݅‌݅‌݅‌݅‌݅‌݅ ݆‌݆‌ܻ‌ܻ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌࣯‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣩ‌ࣧ‌ࣧ‌ࣧ‌ࣧ‌ࣧ‌ࣧ‌ࣧ‌ࣧ‌ࣧ‌ࣧ‌ࣧ‌ࣧ‌ࣧ‌ࣧ‌ࣧ‌

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Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. Some people used the platform to organize ahead of the storming of the U.S. Capitol in January 2021, and last month Senator Mark Warner sent a letter to Durov urging him to curb Russian information operations on Telegram. "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. "The result is on this photo: fiery 'greetings' to the invaders," the Security Service of Ukraine wrote alongside a photo showing several military vehicles among plumes of black smoke. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych.
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