Премьер Дании Метте Фредериксен рассказала, что запаслась консервами, чтобы протянуть три дня - из-за опасений атаки со стороны России.
«Я следую рекомендациям властей, и я считаю, что датчанам следует сделать то же самое... Крайне важно, чтобы мы держались вместе», заявила Фредериксен.
Премьер Дании Метте Фредериксен рассказала, что запаслась консервами, чтобы протянуть три дня - из-за опасений атаки со стороны России.
«Я следую рекомендациям властей, и я считаю, что датчанам следует сделать то же самое... Крайне важно, чтобы мы держались вместе», заявила Фредериксен.
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Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. One thing that Telegram now offers to all users is the ability to “disappear” messages or set remote deletion deadlines. That enables users to have much more control over how long people can access what you’re sending them. Given that Russian law enforcement officials are reportedly (via Insider) stopping people in the street and demanding to read their text messages, this could be vital to protect individuals from reprisals. At its heart, Telegram is little more than a messaging app like WhatsApp or Signal. But it also offers open channels that enable a single user, or a group of users, to communicate with large numbers in a method similar to a Twitter account. This has proven to be both a blessing and a curse for Telegram and its users, since these channels can be used for both good and ill. Right now, as Wired reports, the app is a key way for Ukrainians to receive updates from the government during the invasion. Multiple pro-Kremlin media figures circulated the post's false claims, including prominent Russian journalist Vladimir Soloviev and the state-controlled Russian outlet RT, according to the DFR Lab's report. Although some channels have been removed, the curation process is considered opaque and insufficient by analysts.
from id
