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Oirad-Kalmyk activist nomto küükn has written a manifesto, a supremely important text in the context of the decolonial movement in russia. Written from the experience of living one's own otherness, it speaks honestly about the different stages of accepting one's identity, politicizes ethnicity, and offers not a closed, but multiple interpretations of what it might mean to be Oirad-Kalmyk. Entering into dialogue with texts by non-white feminists such as Audrey Lorde and Sarah Ahmed, from a position of Indigenous feminism, the manifesto of nomto küükn stretches connections across generations and contexts of feminist thought, continuing the work of politicizing emotion, difference, and identity. Doing so makes loving and accepting one's people an act of resistance to the colonial machines of erasure, oppression, and shame.

Read the full text on beda.media, and the fragments—in cards.

We prepared this text in collaboration with Oirad-Kalmyk activist movement Oirad Jisan.



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Oirad-Kalmyk activist nomto küükn has written a manifesto, a supremely important text in the context of the decolonial movement in russia. Written from the experience of living one's own otherness, it speaks honestly about the different stages of accepting one's identity, politicizes ethnicity, and offers not a closed, but multiple interpretations of what it might mean to be Oirad-Kalmyk. Entering into dialogue with texts by non-white feminists such as Audrey Lorde and Sarah Ahmed, from a position of Indigenous feminism, the manifesto of nomto küükn stretches connections across generations and contexts of feminist thought, continuing the work of politicizing emotion, difference, and identity. Doing so makes loving and accepting one's people an act of resistance to the colonial machines of erasure, oppression, and shame.

Read the full text on beda.media, and the fragments—in cards.

We prepared this text in collaboration with Oirad-Kalmyk activist movement Oirad Jisan.

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On Feb. 27, however, he admitted from his Russian-language account that "Telegram channels are increasingly becoming a source of unverified information related to Ukrainian events." Telegram was co-founded by Pavel and Nikolai Durov, the brothers who had previously created VKontakte. VK is Russia’s equivalent of Facebook, a social network used for public and private messaging, audio and video sharing as well as online gaming. In January, SimpleWeb reported that VK was Russia’s fourth most-visited website, after Yandex, YouTube and Google’s Russian-language homepage. In 2016, Forbes’ Michael Solomon described Pavel Durov (pictured, below) as the “Mark Zuckerberg of Russia.” Pavel Durov, Telegram's CEO, is known as "the Russian Mark Zuckerberg," for co-founding VKontakte, which is Russian for "in touch," a Facebook imitator that became the country's most popular social networking site. Given the pro-privacy stance of the platform, it’s taken as a given that it’ll be used for a number of reasons, not all of them good. And Telegram has been attached to a fair few scandals related to terrorism, sexual exploitation and crime. Back in 2015, Vox described Telegram as “ISIS’ app of choice,” saying that the platform’s real use is the ability to use channels to distribute material to large groups at once. Telegram has acted to remove public channels affiliated with terrorism, but Pavel Durov reiterated that he had no business snooping on private conversations. These administrators had built substantial positions in these scrips prior to the circulation of recommendations and offloaded their positions subsequent to rise in price of these scrips, making significant profits at the expense of unsuspecting investors, Sebi noted.
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