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Вывели детвору на каток, Вася давно хотел, Тоня в восторге, тк вообще впервые ❄️
Я не каталась лет 7, наверное, как-то не моя история совсем, даже в детстве не сильно фанатела. И вот после 15 минут на льду, с детьми, поняла, что теперь можно смело еще лет 10 не выкатываться, а любоваться народом со скамейки запасных!
Михаил поразил своей фигурокатательной устойчивостью и все довольны!
А вы фанаты ⛸️❄️🦌?



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Вывели детвору на каток, Вася давно хотел, Тоня в восторге, тк вообще впервые ❄️
Я не каталась лет 7, наверное, как-то не моя история совсем, даже в детстве не сильно фанатела. И вот после 15 минут на льду, с детьми, поняла, что теперь можно смело еще лет 10 не выкатываться, а любоваться народом со скамейки запасных!
Михаил поразил своей фигурокатательной устойчивостью и все довольны!
А вы фанаты ⛸️❄️🦌?

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That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. "The result is on this photo: fiery 'greetings' to the invaders," the Security Service of Ukraine wrote alongside a photo showing several military vehicles among plumes of black smoke. In February 2014, the Ukrainian people ousted pro-Russian president Viktor Yanukovych, prompting Russia to invade and annex the Crimean peninsula. By the start of April, Pavel Durov had given his notice, with TechCrunch saying at the time that the CEO had resisted pressure to suppress pages criticizing the Russian government. Stocks closed in the red Friday as investors weighed upbeat remarks from Russian President Vladimir Putin about diplomatic discussions with Ukraine against a weaker-than-expected print on U.S. consumer sentiment. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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