У главного по РЖД Олега Белозёрова утекла база пассажиров "РЖД бонус". Ответы на секрет-вопрос РЖД не шифрует. Что делать - хз, сайт висит. Бигдата Белозёрова - натуральная госизмена. РЖД прозрачна для иноразведок. По базам Олега шпионы способны пробить связи любого пассажира и найти спецлюдей, что легендированы под чужую фамилию. Берём офицера ГРУ-ФСБ-СВР Секрет Секретыча. Попутчики при его поездках: семья, любовница, сослуживцы. В РЖД они видны по общим заказам. Не беда, если заказы разные. Скрипт вычислит всех, кто неоднократно бывал в поездах с Секретычем. Дальше ему выдают паспорт на вымышленного Иванова. И тут сразу провал. Ездит-то с теми же попутчиками.
У главного по РЖД Олега Белозёрова утекла база пассажиров "РЖД бонус". Ответы на секрет-вопрос РЖД не шифрует. Что делать - хз, сайт висит. Бигдата Белозёрова - натуральная госизмена. РЖД прозрачна для иноразведок. По базам Олега шпионы способны пробить связи любого пассажира и найти спецлюдей, что легендированы под чужую фамилию. Берём офицера ГРУ-ФСБ-СВР Секрет Секретыча. Попутчики при его поездках: семья, любовница, сослуживцы. В РЖД они видны по общим заказам. Не беда, если заказы разные. Скрипт вычислит всех, кто неоднократно бывал в поездах с Секретычем. Дальше ему выдают паспорт на вымышленного Иванова. И тут сразу провал. Ездит-то с теми же попутчиками.
These entities are reportedly operating nine Telegram channels with more than five million subscribers to whom they were making recommendations on selected listed scrips. Such recommendations induced the investors to deal in the said scrips, thereby creating artificial volume and price rise. Russian President Vladimir Putin launched Russia's invasion of Ukraine in the early-morning hours of February 24, targeting several key cities with military strikes. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Russians and Ukrainians are both prolific users of Telegram. They rely on the app for channels that act as newsfeeds, group chats (both public and private), and one-to-one communication. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Telegram has remained an important lifeline for both Russians and Ukrainians, as a way of staying aware of the latest news and keeping in touch with loved ones.
from id
