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К недавним афганским Риффам А. П. нашлось еще одно эссе 2018 года, которое, вероятно, нежно залакирует ближневосточную тему в деньрожденной сессии обновлений на Кастоправде.

Читайте эссе Андрея Полонского об истоках панисламизма, судьбе и наследии Джемаля ад-Дина аль-Афгани!



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К недавним афганским Риффам А. П. нашлось еще одно эссе 2018 года, которое, вероятно, нежно залакирует ближневосточную тему в деньрожденной сессии обновлений на Кастоправде.

Читайте эссе Андрея Полонского об истоках панисламизма, судьбе и наследии Джемаля ад-Дина аль-Афгани!

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Soloviev also promoted the channel in a post he shared on his own Telegram, which has 580,000 followers. The post recommended his viewers subscribe to "War on Fakes" in a time of fake news. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. Asked about its stance on disinformation, Telegram spokesperson Remi Vaughn told AFP: "As noted by our CEO, the sheer volume of information being shared on channels makes it extremely difficult to verify, so it's important that users double-check what they read." In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. Groups are also not fully encrypted, end-to-end. This includes private groups. Private groups cannot be seen by other Telegram users, but Telegram itself can see the groups and all of the communications that you have in them. All of the same risks and warnings about channels can be applied to groups.
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