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💥🎐«Үҥкүүлээ»: Кыттааччы Света Куличкина санаатын үллэстэр

«Мин «Dance generation» бөлөх аатыттан кыттабын. Бүгүн норуот үҥкүүлэрин толоробут. Биһиги самурай уонна гейша уобараһыгар японскай үҥкүүнү көрдөрөбүт. Ким бэлэмнээх, ол кыайдын!», - Света эттэ.

@nvk_sakha



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💥🎐«Үҥкүүлээ»: Кыттааччы Света Куличкина санаатын үллэстэр

«Мин «Dance generation» бөлөх аатыттан кыттабын. Бүгүн норуот үҥкүүлэрин толоробут. Биһиги самурай уонна гейша уобараһыгар японскай үҥкүүнү көрдөрөбүт. Ким бэлэмнээх, ол кыайдын!», - Света эттэ.

@nvk_sakha

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On December 23rd, 2020, Pavel Durov posted to his channel that the company would need to start generating revenue. In early 2021, he added that any advertising on the platform would not use user data for targeting, and that it would be focused on “large one-to-many channels.” He pledged that ads would be “non-intrusive” and that most users would simply not notice any change. Andrey, a Russian entrepreneur living in Brazil who, fearing retaliation, asked that NPR not use his last name, said Telegram has become one of the few places Russians can access independent news about the war. "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. But because group chats and the channel features are not end-to-end encrypted, Galperin said user privacy is potentially under threat.
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