Первый совместный оперативный план США и Японии на случай кризиса на Тайване может включить в себя развертывание ракетных подразделений США на островах Нансэй на юге Японии и на Филиппинах - Tokyo Shimbun
Японские удаленные острова Нансэй ближе всего расположены к Тайваню.
Первый совместный оперативный план США и Японии на случай кризиса на Тайване может включить в себя развертывание ракетных подразделений США на островах Нансэй на юге Японии и на Филиппинах - Tokyo Shimbun
Японские удаленные острова Нансэй ближе всего расположены к Тайваню.
BY Китай - Николай Вавилов
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For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Just days after Russia invaded Ukraine, Durov wrote that Telegram was "increasingly becoming a source of unverified information," and he worried about the app being used to "incite ethnic hatred." Despite Telegram's origins, its approach to users' security has privacy advocates worried. "There are several million Russians who can lift their head up from propaganda and try to look for other sources, and I'd say that most look for it on Telegram," he said.
from id
