📚انجمن علمی علوم سیاسی دانشگاه شیراز با همکاری اتحادیه انجمن‌های علمی علوم سیاسی ایران (منطقه مرکز و جنوب) و گروهی از انجمن‌های علمی علوم سیاسی دانشگاه‌های برتر کشور برگزار می‌کند:
🖋مدرس: علیرضا رحمتی عضو پیشین کمیتۀ ناظر بر نشریات دانشگاهی وزارت علوم مدیرمسئول پیشین نشریهٔ «جدال» مدیرمسئول سال‌نامۀ «سیاست میان دولت‌ها» دبیر سابق کارگروه ویراستاری دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تهران
📚انجمن علمی علوم سیاسی دانشگاه شیراز با همکاری اتحادیه انجمن‌های علمی علوم سیاسی ایران (منطقه مرکز و جنوب) و گروهی از انجمن‌های علمی علوم سیاسی دانشگاه‌های برتر کشور برگزار می‌کند:
🖋مدرس: علیرضا رحمتی عضو پیشین کمیتۀ ناظر بر نشریات دانشگاهی وزارت علوم مدیرمسئول پیشین نشریهٔ «جدال» مدیرمسئول سال‌نامۀ «سیاست میان دولت‌ها» دبیر سابق کارگروه ویراستاری دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تهران
On December 23rd, 2020, Pavel Durov posted to his channel that the company would need to start generating revenue. In early 2021, he added that any advertising on the platform would not use user data for targeting, and that it would be focused on “large one-to-many channels.” He pledged that ads would be “non-intrusive” and that most users would simply not notice any change. "We as Ukrainians believe that the truth is on our side, whether it's truth that you're proclaiming about the war and everything else, why would you want to hide it?," he said. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. In a statement, the regulator said the search and seizure operation was carried out against seven individuals and one corporate entity at multiple locations in Ahmedabad and Bhavnagar in Gujarat, Neemuch in Madhya Pradesh, Delhi, and Mumbai.
from id
