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А мы тут наконец-то соорудили очередной выпуск нашего журнала Analytica. Если бы вы знали, сколько боли и страданий он нам принёс. Надеемся, что и вы теперь будете чувствовать то же, если решитесь что-то оттуда прочитать. А чтобы не страдать, лучше пишите свои статьи и присылайте их нам.



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А мы тут наконец-то соорудили очередной выпуск нашего журнала Analytica. Если бы вы знали, сколько боли и страданий он нам принёс. Надеемся, что и вы теперь будете чувствовать то же, если решитесь что-то оттуда прочитать. А чтобы не страдать, лучше пишите свои статьи и присылайте их нам.

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Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy." Multiple pro-Kremlin media figures circulated the post's false claims, including prominent Russian journalist Vladimir Soloviev and the state-controlled Russian outlet RT, according to the DFR Lab's report. False news often spreads via public groups, or chats, with potentially fatal effects. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. But Telegram says people want to keep their chat history when they get a new phone, and they like having a data backup that will sync their chats across multiple devices. And that is why they let people choose whether they want their messages to be encrypted or not. When not turned on, though, chats are stored on Telegram's services, which are scattered throughout the world. But it has "disclosed 0 bytes of user data to third parties, including governments," Telegram states on its website.
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