بهترین انتقام از کسی که تو رو ترک کرده اینه که بعد از رفتنش روز به روز خوشبخت تر و خوشحال تر و زیباتر زندگی کنی نه اینکه خودتو آزار بدی خیلی از آدما حتی لیاقت ندارن ک بهشون فکر کنی چه برسه به اینکه خودتو به آب و آتیش بزنی رفتنی میره و آدمای لایق تری میان ...
بهترین انتقام از کسی که تو رو ترک کرده اینه که بعد از رفتنش روز به روز خوشبخت تر و خوشحال تر و زیباتر زندگی کنی نه اینکه خودتو آزار بدی خیلی از آدما حتی لیاقت ندارن ک بهشون فکر کنی چه برسه به اینکه خودتو به آب و آتیش بزنی رفتنی میره و آدمای لایق تری میان ...
"He has to start being more proactive and to find a real solution to this situation, not stay in standby without interfering. It's a very irresponsible position from the owner of Telegram," she said. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Artem Kliuchnikov and his family fled Ukraine just days before the Russian invasion. "There are several million Russians who can lift their head up from propaganda and try to look for other sources, and I'd say that most look for it on Telegram," he said.
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