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Документ про арест семьи автора канала @labart написан майором ФСБ Дмитрием Докучаевым — он на фотке. Докучаев воровал деньги с кредиток. И как вор с ником Forb давал интервью «Ведомостям». Прославился ФСБ-хакер, когда сел в РФ за госизмену со своим начальником Сергеем Михайловым, а в США получил дело о взломе трех миллиардов аккаунтов Yahoo по заказу России. Докучаев — носитель гостайн, совершенно засекреченный. Но, незадача. Его квартиру в Подольске, адреса в Бутово и даже телефоны я вижу в базах, утекших от провайдеров связи, ЖКЖ, страховщиков. И такое со всеми — отсюда провалы. Чем активнее ФСБ ведет слежку за гражданами, тем больше банк данных ЦРУ.



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Документ про арест семьи автора канала @labart написан майором ФСБ Дмитрием Докучаевым — он на фотке. Докучаев воровал деньги с кредиток. И как вор с ником Forb давал интервью «Ведомостям». Прославился ФСБ-хакер, когда сел в РФ за госизмену со своим начальником Сергеем Михайловым, а в США получил дело о взломе трех миллиардов аккаунтов Yahoo по заказу России. Докучаев — носитель гостайн, совершенно засекреченный. Но, незадача. Его квартиру в Подольске, адреса в Бутово и даже телефоны я вижу в базах, утекших от провайдеров связи, ЖКЖ, страховщиков. И такое со всеми — отсюда провалы. Чем активнее ФСБ ведет слежку за гражданами, тем больше банк данных ЦРУ.

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The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. For example, WhatsApp restricted the number of times a user could forward something, and developed automated systems that detect and flag objectionable content. That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. He adds: "Telegram has become my primary news source." Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders.
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