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Вот хороший пример. 1944 год, палуба авианосца Quincy. Вот сидит бедуин а вокруг него танцуют какие то янки.

Чего это они вокруг него танцуют?

(Барабанный бой)

Им от него
Что то
Надо

У бедуина на руках есть какие карты, которые янки нужны. И чтобы эти карты разыграть, янки пытаются с бедуином договориться.

Есть мое, есть чужое

Если мне нужен доступ к чужому, то с обладателем чужого надо договариваться

Для американца это - азбука.

Для россиянина, украинца, беларуса - что то из области теории суперструн



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Вот хороший пример. 1944 год, палуба авианосца Quincy. Вот сидит бедуин а вокруг него танцуют какие то янки.

Чего это они вокруг него танцуют?

(Барабанный бой)

Им от него
Что то
Надо

У бедуина на руках есть какие карты, которые янки нужны. И чтобы эти карты разыграть, янки пытаются с бедуином договориться.

Есть мое, есть чужое

Если мне нужен доступ к чужому, то с обладателем чужого надо договариваться

Для американца это - азбука.

Для россиянина, украинца, беларуса - что то из области теории суперструн

BY Галеев




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Telegram has become more interventionist over time, and has steadily increased its efforts to shut down these accounts. But this has also meant that the company has also engaged with lawmakers more generally, although it maintains that it doesn’t do so willingly. For instance, in September 2021, Telegram reportedly blocked a chat bot in support of (Putin critic) Alexei Navalny during Russia’s most recent parliamentary elections. Pavel Durov was quoted at the time saying that the company was obliged to follow a “legitimate” law of the land. He added that as Apple and Google both follow the law, to violate it would give both platforms a reason to boot the messenger from its stores. This provided opportunity to their linked entities to offload their shares at higher prices and make significant profits at the cost of unsuspecting retail investors. In the United States, Telegram's lower public profile has helped it mostly avoid high level scrutiny from Congress, but it has not gone unnoticed. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations.
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