Вчера вышел в продажу клубный дом «Тургенев» в Костянском переулке, 13 на Чистых прудах. Изначально ЗУ принадлежал Галсу и Мираксу, а раньше там стоял доходный дом конца XIX века, в котором долгое время располагалась «Литературная газета». Уже все снесли, выкопали котлован, ввести должны в 1 кв. 2021. #стартпродаж
Вчера вышел в продажу клубный дом «Тургенев» в Костянском переулке, 13 на Чистых прудах. Изначально ЗУ принадлежал Галсу и Мираксу, а раньше там стоял доходный дом конца XIX века, в котором долгое время располагалась «Литературная газета». Уже все снесли, выкопали котлован, ввести должны в 1 кв. 2021. #стартпродаж
On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. "Your messages about the movement of the enemy through the official chatbot … bring new trophies every day," the government agency tweeted. "There are a lot of things that Telegram could have been doing this whole time. And they know exactly what they are and they've chosen not to do them. That's why I don't trust them," she said. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy."
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