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Красная церковь Бориса и Глеба в Вышгородке. Пыталовский район Псковская область

Храм действующий, 1891 года постройки.

Имеет статус объекта культурного наследия регионального значения.

📸 Оксана Григорьева

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#Псковтуристический #Псковскаяобласть



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Красная церковь Бориса и Глеба в Вышгородке. Пыталовский район Псковская область

Храм действующий, 1891 года постройки.

Имеет статус объекта культурного наследия регионального значения.

📸 Оксана Григорьева

Оставайтесь с нами

#Псковтуристический #Псковскаяобласть

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Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. Under the Sebi Act, the regulator has the power to carry out search and seizure of books, registers, documents including electronics and digital devices from any person associated with the securities market. Telegram has become more interventionist over time, and has steadily increased its efforts to shut down these accounts. But this has also meant that the company has also engaged with lawmakers more generally, although it maintains that it doesn’t do so willingly. For instance, in September 2021, Telegram reportedly blocked a chat bot in support of (Putin critic) Alexei Navalny during Russia’s most recent parliamentary elections. Pavel Durov was quoted at the time saying that the company was obliged to follow a “legitimate” law of the land. He added that as Apple and Google both follow the law, to violate it would give both platforms a reason to boot the messenger from its stores. Andrey, a Russian entrepreneur living in Brazil who, fearing retaliation, asked that NPR not use his last name, said Telegram has become one of the few places Russians can access independent news about the war. Although some channels have been removed, the curation process is considered opaque and insufficient by analysts.
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