Один полицейский, сопровождавший иностранные делегации в Пакистане, погиб после подрыва на мине, пишет местная газета Dawn.
По данным полиции, в составе конвоя были делегации из 12 стран, включая Россию, Португалию, Индонезию и Казахстан. Дипломаты не пострадали. Ещё двое полицейских ранены.
По словам главного инспектора, взорвалась самодельная бомба с дистанционным управлением.
На первом фото — посол Альберт Хорев, который был в составе делегации РФ.
Один полицейский, сопровождавший иностранные делегации в Пакистане, погиб после подрыва на мине, пишет местная газета Dawn.
По данным полиции, в составе конвоя были делегации из 12 стран, включая Россию, Португалию, Индонезию и Казахстан. Дипломаты не пострадали. Ещё двое полицейских ранены.
По словам главного инспектора, взорвалась самодельная бомба с дистанционным управлением.
На первом фото — посол Альберт Хорев, который был в составе делегации РФ.
Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Overall, extreme levels of fear in the market seems to have morphed into something more resembling concern. For example, the Cboe Volatility Index fell from its 2022 peak of 36, which it hit Monday, to around 30 on Friday, a sign of easing tensions. Meanwhile, while the price of WTI crude oil slipped from Sunday’s multiyear high $130 of barrel to $109 a pop. Markets have been expecting heavy restrictions on Russian oil, some of which the U.S. has already imposed, and that would reduce the global supply and bring about even more burdensome inflation. For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. At its heart, Telegram is little more than a messaging app like WhatsApp or Signal. But it also offers open channels that enable a single user, or a group of users, to communicate with large numbers in a method similar to a Twitter account. This has proven to be both a blessing and a curse for Telegram and its users, since these channels can be used for both good and ill. Right now, as Wired reports, the app is a key way for Ukrainians to receive updates from the government during the invasion.
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