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🔻Сӕрмагондӕй «Сапӕ»-йӕн Алайнаг моладзандоны митын рӕсугъддзинад равдыста моладзан Цӕлойты Мария. Ацы бынат афӕдзы алы афон дӕр рӕсугъд у. Фӕлӕ йæ миты тъыфылтӕ алӕмӕты бӕстӕ фестын кодтой.

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Зымӕгон аргъау 

🔻Сӕрмагондӕй «Сапӕ»-йӕн Алайнаг моладзандоны митын рӕсугъддзинад равдыста моладзан Цӕлойты Мария. Ацы бынат афӕдзы алы афон дӕр рӕсугъд у. Фӕлӕ йæ миты тъыфылтӕ алӕмӕты бӕстӕ фестын кодтой.

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In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. This provided opportunity to their linked entities to offload their shares at higher prices and make significant profits at the cost of unsuspecting retail investors. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. The original Telegram channel has expanded into a web of accounts for different locations, including specific pages made for individual Russian cities. There's also an English-language website, which states it is owned by the people who run the Telegram channels. Just days after Russia invaded Ukraine, Durov wrote that Telegram was "increasingly becoming a source of unverified information," and he worried about the app being used to "incite ethnic hatred."
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