Все, вроде так с изначальным инфо-провалом МО и последующими попытками его исправления. Но "пентагоновская" модель "миротворческих бомбардировок" вряд ли предполагает позиции сухопутных войск под самым Киевом. С другой стороны, если бы их не было там, еще неизвестно, куда бы прилетела "обратка". Но тогда это сложно было бы назвать "спецоперацией".
Все, вроде так с изначальным инфо-провалом МО и последующими попытками его исправления. Но "пентагоновская" модель "миротворческих бомбардировок" вряд ли предполагает позиции сухопутных войск под самым Киевом. С другой стороны, если бы их не было там, еще неизвестно, куда бы прилетела "обратка". Но тогда это сложно было бы назвать "спецоперацией".
BY Спец по специям
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So, uh, whenever I hear about Telegram, it’s always in relation to something bad. What gives? In a message on his Telegram channel recently recounting the episode, Durov wrote: "I lost my company and my home, but would do it again – without hesitation." Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy." Recently, Durav wrote on his Telegram channel that users' right to privacy, in light of the war in Ukraine, is "sacred, now more than ever." On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations.
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