— Вовочка, придумал загадку? — Да, Марья Ивановна. Первый слог - часть тела из трех букв, второй слог ня. Что это? — Так, Вовочка, опять хулиганишь? — Ничего не хулиганю. Это город Лобня в Московской области.
— Вовочка, придумал загадку? — Да, Марья Ивановна. Первый слог - часть тела из трех букв, второй слог ня. Что это? — Так, Вовочка, опять хулиганишь? — Ничего не хулиганю. Это город Лобня в Московской области.
The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. Lastly, the web previews of t.me links have been given a new look, adding chat backgrounds and design elements from the fully-features Telegram Web client. In 2018, Russia banned Telegram although it reversed the prohibition two years later. Soloviev also promoted the channel in a post he shared on his own Telegram, which has 580,000 followers. The post recommended his viewers subscribe to "War on Fakes" in a time of fake news.
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