В это сложно поверить, но если пропустить картину Репина «Монахиня» через рентген, можно увидеть девушку в бальном наряде
Это своеобразная месть художника бывшей возлюбленной Софии. На последнем сеансе позирования молодые люди повздорили и художник переписал портрет, облачив девушку в монашеские одеяния.
В это сложно поверить, но если пропустить картину Репина «Монахиня» через рентген, можно увидеть девушку в бальном наряде
Это своеобразная месть художника бывшей возлюбленной Софии. На последнем сеансе позирования молодые люди повздорили и художник переписал портрет, облачив девушку в монашеские одеяния.
Andrey, a Russian entrepreneur living in Brazil who, fearing retaliation, asked that NPR not use his last name, said Telegram has become one of the few places Russians can access independent news about the war. In the United States, Telegram's lower public profile has helped it mostly avoid high level scrutiny from Congress, but it has not gone unnoticed. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy."
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