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Попутчики, посылки, пассажиры для водителей @nevodi | Telegram Webview: nevodi/4328 -
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23.11 ~14:00 Гданьск- Калининград ищу 4 места. Нас двое взрослых и двое детей 9 и 13 лет, и 3 (может 4, но врядли) больших чемодана, хотели большую комфортную машину с большим багажником @LanaShish
#Гданьск #Калининград



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23.11 ~14:00 Гданьск- Калининград ищу 4 места. Нас двое взрослых и двое детей 9 и 13 лет, и 3 (может 4, но врядли) больших чемодана, хотели большую комфортную машину с большим багажником @LanaShish
#Гданьск #Калининград

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Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. "Your messages about the movement of the enemy through the official chatbot … bring new trophies every day," the government agency tweeted. But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy."
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