🇮🇱🇵🇸Według doniesień palestyńskich mediów, izraelskie wojska rozpoczęły masową kampanię aresztowań podczas szturmu na wioskę Al-Hares, na zachód od miasta Salfita na Zachodnim Brzegu.
🇮🇱🇵🇸Według doniesień palestyńskich mediów, izraelskie wojska rozpoczęły masową kampanię aresztowań podczas szturmu na wioskę Al-Hares, na zachód od miasta Salfita na Zachodnim Brzegu.
The account, "War on Fakes," was created on February 24, the same day Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a "special military operation" and troops began invading Ukraine. The page is rife with disinformation, according to The Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies digital extremism and published a report examining the channel. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. Groups are also not fully encrypted, end-to-end. This includes private groups. Private groups cannot be seen by other Telegram users, but Telegram itself can see the groups and all of the communications that you have in them. All of the same risks and warnings about channels can be applied to groups.
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