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Часопис "Polessya Liberte!"
1985 рік, автори - Фурс Анна Іванівна, Кристапович Алесь Євгенович, с.Хабавичі Кобринського району Брестської області. 1985 г., аўтары – Фурс Ганна Іванаўна, Крыштаповіч Алесь Яўгенавіч, вёска Хабавічы Кобрынскага раёна Брэсцкай вобл.
1985 г., аўтары – Фурс Ганна Іванаўна, Крыштаповіч Алесь Яўгенавіч, вёска Хабавічы Кобрынскага раёна Брэсцкай вобл.

1985 рік, автори - Фурс Анна Іванівна, Кристапович Алесь Євгенович, с.Хабавичі Кобринського району Брестської області.



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1985 г., аўтары – Фурс Ганна Іванаўна, Крыштаповіч Алесь Яўгенавіч, вёска Хабавічы Кобрынскага раёна Брэсцкай вобл.

1985 рік, автори - Фурс Анна Іванівна, Кристапович Алесь Євгенович, с.Хабавичі Кобринського району Брестської області.

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"Like the bombing of the maternity ward in Mariupol," he said, "Even before it hits the news, you see the videos on the Telegram channels." The Security Service of Ukraine said in a tweet that it was able to effectively target Russian convoys near Kyiv because of messages sent to an official Telegram bot account called "STOP Russian War." The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. These administrators had built substantial positions in these scrips prior to the circulation of recommendations and offloaded their positions subsequent to rise in price of these scrips, making significant profits at the expense of unsuspecting investors, Sebi noted. In the United States, Telegram's lower public profile has helped it mostly avoid high level scrutiny from Congress, but it has not gone unnoticed.
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