Не согласны с уважаемым Ярославом Игнатовским, утверждающим, что союз Глазьева и Малофеева бесперспективен. На правом фланге у Глазьева, Малофеева и, давайте этого не забывать, Никиты Михалкова нет конкуренции, а вот все возможности для самореализации в пространстве патриотической электоральной ниши вполне имеются. Размер этого поля специалистами оценивается до 10 процентов, а этого достаточно, чтобы зайти в следующую Госдуму. Запрос на контроль над "партриотической поляной" с стороны Кремля есть. Так что игра стоит свеч.
Не согласны с уважаемым Ярославом Игнатовским, утверждающим, что союз Глазьева и Малофеева бесперспективен. На правом фланге у Глазьева, Малофеева и, давайте этого не забывать, Никиты Михалкова нет конкуренции, а вот все возможности для самореализации в пространстве патриотической электоральной ниши вполне имеются. Размер этого поля специалистами оценивается до 10 процентов, а этого достаточно, чтобы зайти в следующую Госдуму. Запрос на контроль над "партриотической поляной" с стороны Кремля есть. Так что игра стоит свеч.
BY ПолитФорум
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At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. Despite Telegram's origins, its approach to users' security has privacy advocates worried. The account, "War on Fakes," was created on February 24, the same day Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a "special military operation" and troops began invading Ukraine. The page is rife with disinformation, according to The Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies digital extremism and published a report examining the channel. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Now safely in France with his spouse and three of his children, Kliuchnikov scrolls through Telegram to learn about the devastation happening in his home country.
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