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πŸ‡ΊπŸ‡ΈπŸ‡·πŸ‡ΈΠΠΌΠ΅Ρ€ΠΈΡ‡ΠΊΠΈ ΠšΡ„ΠΎΡ€ ΡƒΠΏΡ€Π°Π²Ρ™Π°ΠΎ Π°ΠΊΡ†ΠΈΡ˜ΠΎΠΌ Ρƒ Π‘Π°ΡšΡΠΊΠΎΡ˜ зајСдно са ΠΏΠΎΠ»ΠΈΡ†ΠΈΡ˜ΠΎΠΌ

β–ͺοΈΠŸΠΎΠ»ΠΈΡ‚ΠΈΡ‡ΠΊΠΈ Π°Π½Π°Π»ΠΈΡ‚ΠΈΡ‡Π°Ρ€ Агон ΠœΠ°Ρ™ΠΈΡ›ΠΈ Ρ€Π΅ΠΊΠ°ΠΎ јС Π΄Π° су ΠΏΡ€ΠΈΠΏΠ°Π΄Π½ΠΈΡ†ΠΈ Π°ΠΌΠ΅Ρ€ΠΈΡ‡ΠΊΠΎΠ³ ΠΊΠΎΠ½Ρ‚ΠΈΠ³Π΅Π½Ρ‚Π° ΠšΡ„ΠΎΡ€Π° ΡƒΠΏΡ€Π°Π²Ρ™Π°Π»ΠΈ Ρ‡ΠΈΡ‚Π°Π²ΠΎΠΌ ΡΠΈΡ‚ΡƒΠ°Ρ†ΠΈΡ˜ΠΎΠΌ Π½Π° сСвСру КиМ Ρƒ којој су ΡƒΠ±ΠΈΡ˜Π΅Π½Π° Ρ‚Ρ€ΠΎΡ˜ΠΈΡ†Π° Π‘Ρ€Π±Π° ΠΈ Ρ‚ΠΈΠΌΠ΅ ΠΏΡ€Π°ΠΊΡ‚ΠΈΡ‡Π½ΠΎ ΡƒΠΊΠ°Π·Π°ΠΎ Π΄Π° су Π‘Ρ€Π±ΠΈ ΡƒΠ±ΠΈΡ˜Π΅Π½ΠΈ ΡƒΠ· ΠΎΠ΄ΠΎΠ±Ρ€Π΅ΡšΠ΅ ΠΏΡ€ΠΈΠΏΠ°Π΄Π½ΠΈΠΊΠ° ΠΌΠΈΡ€ΠΎΠ²Π½Π΅ мисијС.

β–ͺ️Како јС Π½Π°Π²Π΅ΠΎ ΠœΠ°Ρ™ΠΈΡ›ΠΈ, ΠΎΠ±Π°Π²Π΅ΡˆΡ‚Π°Ρ˜Ρ†ΠΈ НАВО "ΠΈΠΌΠ°Π»ΠΈ су ΠΈΠ½Ρ„ΠΎΡ€ΠΌΠ°Ρ†ΠΈΡ˜Π΅ ΠΎ Π³Ρ€ΡƒΠΏΠΈ Ρ™ΡƒΠ΄ΠΈ која јС 24. сСптСмбра Π±ΠΈΠ»Π° Ρƒ Π‘Π°ΡšΡΠΊΠΎΡ˜", ΠΏΠ° су ΠΏΠΎΠ»ΠΈΡ†ΠΈΡ˜ΠΈ Ρ‚Π·Π². Косова прослСдили ΠΏΠΎΠ΄Π°Ρ‚ΠΊΠ΅ "Π½Π° Π²Ρ€Π΅ΠΌΠ΅".

β–ͺ️Да јС Π°ΠΌΠ΅Ρ€ΠΈΡ‡ΠΊΠΈ ΠšΡ„ΠΎΡ€ Ρƒ потпуности ΠΊΠΎΠΎΡ€Π΄ΠΈΠ½ΠΈΡ€Π°ΠΎ са ΠΏΠΎΠ»ΠΈΡ†ΠΈΡ˜ΠΎΠΌ Ρ‚Π·Π². Косова, ΠΏΡ€Π΅ΠΌΠ° њСговим Ρ€Π΅Ρ‡ΠΈΠΌΠ°, Π½Π°Ρ˜Π±ΠΎΡ™Π΅ ΠΏΠΎΠΊΠ°Π·ΡƒΡ˜Π΅ изјава изасланика БАД Ρƒ ΠŸΡ€ΠΈΡˆΡ‚ΠΈΠ½ΠΈ ΠΠ΅Ρ„Ρ€ΠΈΡ˜Π° Π₯ΠΎΠ²Π΅Π½ΠΈΡ˜Π΅Ρ€Π° Ρƒ Ρ€Π°Π½ΠΈΠΌ Ρ˜ΡƒΡ‚Π°Ρ€ΡšΠΈΠΌ сатима 24. сСптСмбра.

πŸ“Έ Π€ΠΎΡ‚ΠΎ: Getty / Sean Gallup

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πŸ‡ΊπŸ‡ΈπŸ‡·πŸ‡ΈΠΠΌΠ΅Ρ€ΠΈΡ‡ΠΊΠΈ ΠšΡ„ΠΎΡ€ ΡƒΠΏΡ€Π°Π²Ρ™Π°ΠΎ Π°ΠΊΡ†ΠΈΡ˜ΠΎΠΌ Ρƒ Π‘Π°ΡšΡΠΊΠΎΡ˜ зајСдно са ΠΏΠΎΠ»ΠΈΡ†ΠΈΡ˜ΠΎΠΌ

β–ͺοΈΠŸΠΎΠ»ΠΈΡ‚ΠΈΡ‡ΠΊΠΈ Π°Π½Π°Π»ΠΈΡ‚ΠΈΡ‡Π°Ρ€ Агон ΠœΠ°Ρ™ΠΈΡ›ΠΈ Ρ€Π΅ΠΊΠ°ΠΎ јС Π΄Π° су ΠΏΡ€ΠΈΠΏΠ°Π΄Π½ΠΈΡ†ΠΈ Π°ΠΌΠ΅Ρ€ΠΈΡ‡ΠΊΠΎΠ³ ΠΊΠΎΠ½Ρ‚ΠΈΠ³Π΅Π½Ρ‚Π° ΠšΡ„ΠΎΡ€Π° ΡƒΠΏΡ€Π°Π²Ρ™Π°Π»ΠΈ Ρ‡ΠΈΡ‚Π°Π²ΠΎΠΌ ΡΠΈΡ‚ΡƒΠ°Ρ†ΠΈΡ˜ΠΎΠΌ Π½Π° сСвСру КиМ Ρƒ којој су ΡƒΠ±ΠΈΡ˜Π΅Π½Π° Ρ‚Ρ€ΠΎΡ˜ΠΈΡ†Π° Π‘Ρ€Π±Π° ΠΈ Ρ‚ΠΈΠΌΠ΅ ΠΏΡ€Π°ΠΊΡ‚ΠΈΡ‡Π½ΠΎ ΡƒΠΊΠ°Π·Π°ΠΎ Π΄Π° су Π‘Ρ€Π±ΠΈ ΡƒΠ±ΠΈΡ˜Π΅Π½ΠΈ ΡƒΠ· ΠΎΠ΄ΠΎΠ±Ρ€Π΅ΡšΠ΅ ΠΏΡ€ΠΈΠΏΠ°Π΄Π½ΠΈΠΊΠ° ΠΌΠΈΡ€ΠΎΠ²Π½Π΅ мисијС.

β–ͺ️Како јС Π½Π°Π²Π΅ΠΎ ΠœΠ°Ρ™ΠΈΡ›ΠΈ, ΠΎΠ±Π°Π²Π΅ΡˆΡ‚Π°Ρ˜Ρ†ΠΈ НАВО "ΠΈΠΌΠ°Π»ΠΈ су ΠΈΠ½Ρ„ΠΎΡ€ΠΌΠ°Ρ†ΠΈΡ˜Π΅ ΠΎ Π³Ρ€ΡƒΠΏΠΈ Ρ™ΡƒΠ΄ΠΈ која јС 24. сСптСмбра Π±ΠΈΠ»Π° Ρƒ Π‘Π°ΡšΡΠΊΠΎΡ˜", ΠΏΠ° су ΠΏΠΎΠ»ΠΈΡ†ΠΈΡ˜ΠΈ Ρ‚Π·Π². Косова прослСдили ΠΏΠΎΠ΄Π°Ρ‚ΠΊΠ΅ "Π½Π° Π²Ρ€Π΅ΠΌΠ΅".

β–ͺ️Да јС Π°ΠΌΠ΅Ρ€ΠΈΡ‡ΠΊΠΈ ΠšΡ„ΠΎΡ€ Ρƒ потпуности ΠΊΠΎΠΎΡ€Π΄ΠΈΠ½ΠΈΡ€Π°ΠΎ са ΠΏΠΎΠ»ΠΈΡ†ΠΈΡ˜ΠΎΠΌ Ρ‚Π·Π². Косова, ΠΏΡ€Π΅ΠΌΠ° њСговим Ρ€Π΅Ρ‡ΠΈΠΌΠ°, Π½Π°Ρ˜Π±ΠΎΡ™Π΅ ΠΏΠΎΠΊΠ°Π·ΡƒΡ˜Π΅ изјава изасланика БАД Ρƒ ΠŸΡ€ΠΈΡˆΡ‚ΠΈΠ½ΠΈ ΠΠ΅Ρ„Ρ€ΠΈΡ˜Π° Π₯ΠΎΠ²Π΅Π½ΠΈΡ˜Π΅Ρ€Π° Ρƒ Ρ€Π°Π½ΠΈΠΌ Ρ˜ΡƒΡ‚Π°Ρ€ΡšΠΈΠΌ сатима 24. сСптСмбра.

πŸ“Έ Π€ΠΎΡ‚ΠΎ: Getty / Sean Gallup

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Again, in contrast to Facebook, Google and Twitter, Telegram's founder Pavel Durov runs his company in relative secrecy from Dubai. Anastasia Vlasova/Getty Images Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. Channels are not fully encrypted, end-to-end. All communications on a Telegram channel can be seen by anyone on the channel and are also visible to Telegram. Telegram may be asked by a government to hand over the communications from a channel. Telegram has a history of standing up to Russian government requests for data, but how comfortable you are relying on that history to predict future behavior is up to you. Because Telegram has this data, it may also be stolen by hackers or leaked by an internal employee. Since its launch in 2013, Telegram has grown from a simple messaging app to a broadcast network. Its user base isn’t as vast as WhatsApp’s, and its broadcast platform is a fraction the size of Twitter, but it’s nonetheless showing its use. While Telegram has been embroiled in controversy for much of its life, it has become a vital source of communication during the invasion of Ukraine. But, if all of this is new to you, let us explain, dear friends, what on Earth a Telegram is meant to be, and why you should, or should not, need to care.
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