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И снова приглашаю подписаться на мой канал в Дзене. Там нет политики, зато есть поездки по разным колоритым глухоманям, белорусским и не только. Работая над каналом, я сам подивился, сколько интересных локаций я, оказывается, облазал за последнее время. Продолжение следует, как говорится
И снова приглашаю подписаться на мой канал в Дзене. Там нет политики, зато есть поездки по разным колоритым глухоманям, белорусским и не только. Работая над каналом, я сам подивился, сколько интересных локаций я, оказывается, облазал за последнее время. Продолжение следует, как говорится
"For Telegram, accountability has always been a problem, which is why it was so popular even before the full-scale war with far-right extremists and terrorists from all over the world," she told AFP from her safe house outside the Ukrainian capital. At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. Telegram boasts 500 million users, who share information individually and in groups in relative security. But Telegram's use as a one-way broadcast channel — which followers can join but not reply to — means content from inauthentic accounts can easily reach large, captive and eager audiences. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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