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Говорим,_читаем,_пишем_по_татарски.pdf
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К.С.Фәтхуллова, А.Ш.Юсупова, Э.Н.Денмөхәммәтова: "Говорим, читаем, пишем по-татарски" (учебное пособие для русскоговорящих).

Учебное пособие включает в себя 18 тем. Каждая тема способствует усвоению речевых единиц, связанных с ситуацией общения. Пособие предназначено для изучения татарского языка как под руководством преподавателя, так и самостоятельно.

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К.С.Фәтхуллова, А.Ш.Юсупова, Э.Н.Денмөхәммәтова: "Говорим, читаем, пишем по-татарски" (учебное пособие для русскоговорящих).

Учебное пособие включает в себя 18 тем. Каждая тема способствует усвоению речевых единиц, связанных с ситуацией общения. Пособие предназначено для изучения татарского языка как под руководством преподавателя, так и самостоятельно.

@tatarkniga

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"The argument from Telegram is, 'You should trust us because we tell you that we're trustworthy,'" Maréchal said. "It's really in the eye of the beholder whether that's something you want to buy into." Markets continued to grapple with the economic and corporate earnings implications relating to the Russia-Ukraine conflict. “We have a ton of uncertainty right now,” said Stephanie Link, chief investment strategist and portfolio manager at Hightower Advisors. “We’re dealing with a war, we’re dealing with inflation. We don’t know what it means to earnings.” On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. "He has kind of an old-school cyber-libertarian world view where technology is there to set you free," Maréchal said. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so.
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