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Солдаты конвоируют арестованных студентов, Кванджу, Корея, май 1980 года.

40 лет назад в южнокорейском городе Кванджу начались волнения студентов, вызванные военным положением в стране, арестом видного диссидента Ким Дэ Чжун, а также печально известным Декретом №10, который запрещал любые демонстрации и митинги, носящие политический характер, и устанавливал жесткую цензуру СМИ.



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Солдаты конвоируют арестованных студентов, Кванджу, Корея, май 1980 года.

40 лет назад в южнокорейском городе Кванджу начались волнения студентов, вызванные военным положением в стране, арестом видного диссидента Ким Дэ Чжун, а также печально известным Декретом №10, который запрещал любые демонстрации и митинги, носящие политический характер, и устанавливал жесткую цензуру СМИ.

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Soloviev also promoted the channel in a post he shared on his own Telegram, which has 580,000 followers. The post recommended his viewers subscribe to "War on Fakes" in a time of fake news. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. But Kliuchnikov, the Ukranian now in France, said he will use Signal or WhatsApp for sensitive conversations, but questions around privacy on Telegram do not give him pause when it comes to sharing information about the war. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. READ MORE
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