Как мерить влияние профессора в экономическом вузе: «У академика РАН, члена учёного совета гайдаровского института, бывшего члена академического комитета РЭШ, первого председателя учёного совета, ныне ординарного профессора и заведующего кафедрой теории денег и кредита ВШЭ Револьда Михайловича Энтова, человека, между прочим, 1931 года рождения, самая длинноногая секретарша в Вышке».
Как мерить влияние профессора в экономическом вузе: «У академика РАН, члена учёного совета гайдаровского института, бывшего члена академического комитета РЭШ, первого председателя учёного совета, ныне ординарного профессора и заведующего кафедрой теории денег и кредита ВШЭ Револьда Михайловича Энтова, человека, между прочим, 1931 года рождения, самая длинноногая секретарша в Вышке».
BY Proeconomics
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Pavel Durov, a billionaire who embraces an all-black wardrobe and is often compared to the character Neo from "the Matrix," funds Telegram through his personal wealth and debt financing. And despite being one of the world's most popular tech companies, Telegram reportedly has only about 30 employees who defer to Durov for most major decisions about the platform. For example, WhatsApp restricted the number of times a user could forward something, and developed automated systems that detect and flag objectionable content. But Telegram says people want to keep their chat history when they get a new phone, and they like having a data backup that will sync their chats across multiple devices. And that is why they let people choose whether they want their messages to be encrypted or not. When not turned on, though, chats are stored on Telegram's services, which are scattered throughout the world. But it has "disclosed 0 bytes of user data to third parties, including governments," Telegram states on its website. The Security Service of Ukraine said in a tweet that it was able to effectively target Russian convoys near Kyiv because of messages sent to an official Telegram bot account called "STOP Russian War." Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
from jp
