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Вакцина против COVID-19 Конвасэл от ФМБА так нигде и не появилась.

А должна была выйти в гражданский оборот до 25 сентября. Столько было обещаний, а на деле как всегда. Похоже, Росздравнадзор не выдал нужных разрешений.

Видимо, придется редакции "Без рецепта" опять идти прививаться Спутником, а то заболеваемость ковидом продолжает расти, как бы нас ни пытались убедить в обратном, вытесняя инфоповестку другими событиями.



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Вакцина против COVID-19 Конвасэл от ФМБА так нигде и не появилась.

А должна была выйти в гражданский оборот до 25 сентября. Столько было обещаний, а на деле как всегда. Похоже, Росздравнадзор не выдал нужных разрешений.

Видимо, придется редакции "Без рецепта" опять идти прививаться Спутником, а то заболеваемость ковидом продолжает расти, как бы нас ни пытались убедить в обратном, вытесняя инфоповестку другими событиями.

BY Без рецепта




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That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. Perpetrators of these scams will create a public group on Telegram to promote these investment packages that are usually accompanied by fake testimonies and sometimes advertised as being Shariah-compliant. Interested investors will be asked to directly message the representatives to begin investing in the various investment packages offered. In the United States, Telegram's lower public profile has helped it mostly avoid high level scrutiny from Congress, but it has not gone unnoticed. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform.
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