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Junger OrientalistπŸ•Š
Π‘Π°Π½ΠΈΡ…Π° Амин Π—Π°ΠΊΠΈ Π±Ρ‹Π»Π° ΠΎΠ΄Π½ΠΎΠΉ ΠΈΠ· ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π²Ρ‹Ρ… ΠΆΠ΅Π½Ρ‰ΠΈΠ½-Π²Ρ€Π°Ρ‡Π΅ΠΉ Π² Π˜Ρ€Π°ΠΊΠ΅. Π’ 1943 Π³ΠΎΠ΄Ρƒ ΠΎΠ½Π° ΠΎΠΊΠΎΠ½Ρ‡ΠΈΠ»Π° ΠœΠ΅Π΄ΠΈΡ†ΠΈΠ½ΡΠΊΠΈΠΉ институт Π² Π‘Π°Π³Π΄Π°Π΄Π΅ (Π½Ρ‹Π½Π΅ – Ρ‡Π°ΡΡ‚ΡŒ Багдадского унивСрситСта) ΠΈ стала Ρ€Π°Π±ΠΎΡ‚Π°Ρ‚ΡŒ Π² Π±ΠΎΠ»ΡŒΠ½ΠΈΡ†Π΅. Π’ ΠΆΡƒΡ€Π½Π°Π»Π΅ НСприкосновСнный запас Π²Ρ‹ΡˆΠ΅Π» ΠΌΠΎΠΉ ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅Π²ΠΎΠ΄ ΠΎΡ‚Ρ€Ρ‹Π²ΠΊΠΎΠ² ΠΈΠ· Π΅Ρ‘ воспоминаний.…
Β«Π‘Π½Π°Ρ‡Π°Π»Π° ΠΌΠΎΠΉ ΠΎΡ‚Π΅Ρ† Π±Ρ‹Π» ΠΎΡ„ΠΈΡ†Π΅Ρ€ΠΎΠΌ Π² османской Π°Ρ€ΠΌΠΈΠΈ, Π° Π·Π°Ρ‚Π΅ΠΌ слуТил Π² иракской. Π’ Π½Π°Ρ‡Π°Π»Π΅ монархичСского ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€ΠΈΠΎΠ΄Π° [Ρ‚.Π΅. Π² 1920-Ρ…] Π΅Π³ΠΎ ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅Π²Π΅Π»ΠΈ Π² министСрство просвСщСния, Π° ΠΏΠΎΠ·ΠΆΠ΅ ΠΈΠ·Π±Ρ€Π°Π»ΠΈ Π΄Π΅ΠΏΡƒΡ‚Π°Ρ‚ΠΎΠΌ иракского ΠΏΠ°Ρ€Π»Π°ΠΌΠ΅Π½Ρ‚Π° ΠΎΡ‚ ΠΏΡ€ΠΎΠ²ΠΈΠ½Ρ†ΠΈΠΈ Π‘Π°Π³Π΄Π°Π΄Β».

Π­Ρ‚ΠΎ Π±Ρ‹Π»Π° распространённая ΠΊΠ°Ρ€ΡŒΠ΅Ρ€Π½Π°Ρ траСктория. Π‘Ρ€Π΅Π΄ΠΈ политичСской элиты ΠΈ Ρ‡ΠΈΠ½ΠΎΠ²Π½ΠΈΠΊΠΎΠ² монархичСского Π˜Ρ€Π°ΠΊΠ° (1921–1958) Π±Ρ‹Π»ΠΎ Π½Π΅ΠΌΠ°Π»ΠΎ Π±Ρ‹Π²ΡˆΠΈΡ… османских ΠΎΡ„ΠΈΡ†Π΅Ρ€ΠΎΠ², ΠΊΠΎΡ‚ΠΎΡ€Ρ‹Π΅ Π² ΠΊΠΎΠ½Ρ†Π΅ ΠŸΠ΅Ρ€Π²ΠΎΠΉ ΠΌΠΈΡ€ΠΎΠ²ΠΎΠΉ ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅ΡˆΠ»ΠΈ Π½Π° сторону Арабского восстания (1916).

πŸ“ΈΠœΡƒΡ…Π°ΠΌΠΌΠ°Π΄ Амин Π—Π°ΠΊΠΈ (1924), ΠΎΡ‚Π΅Ρ† Π‘Π°Π½ΠΈΡ…ΠΈ Амин Π—Π°ΠΊΠΈ



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Β«Π‘Π½Π°Ρ‡Π°Π»Π° ΠΌΠΎΠΉ ΠΎΡ‚Π΅Ρ† Π±Ρ‹Π» ΠΎΡ„ΠΈΡ†Π΅Ρ€ΠΎΠΌ Π² османской Π°Ρ€ΠΌΠΈΠΈ, Π° Π·Π°Ρ‚Π΅ΠΌ слуТил Π² иракской. Π’ Π½Π°Ρ‡Π°Π»Π΅ монархичСского ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€ΠΈΠΎΠ΄Π° [Ρ‚.Π΅. Π² 1920-Ρ…] Π΅Π³ΠΎ ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅Π²Π΅Π»ΠΈ Π² министСрство просвСщСния, Π° ΠΏΠΎΠ·ΠΆΠ΅ ΠΈΠ·Π±Ρ€Π°Π»ΠΈ Π΄Π΅ΠΏΡƒΡ‚Π°Ρ‚ΠΎΠΌ иракского ΠΏΠ°Ρ€Π»Π°ΠΌΠ΅Π½Ρ‚Π° ΠΎΡ‚ ΠΏΡ€ΠΎΠ²ΠΈΠ½Ρ†ΠΈΠΈ Π‘Π°Π³Π΄Π°Π΄Β».

Π­Ρ‚ΠΎ Π±Ρ‹Π»Π° распространённая ΠΊΠ°Ρ€ΡŒΠ΅Ρ€Π½Π°Ρ траСктория. Π‘Ρ€Π΅Π΄ΠΈ политичСской элиты ΠΈ Ρ‡ΠΈΠ½ΠΎΠ²Π½ΠΈΠΊΠΎΠ² монархичСского Π˜Ρ€Π°ΠΊΠ° (1921–1958) Π±Ρ‹Π»ΠΎ Π½Π΅ΠΌΠ°Π»ΠΎ Π±Ρ‹Π²ΡˆΠΈΡ… османских ΠΎΡ„ΠΈΡ†Π΅Ρ€ΠΎΠ², ΠΊΠΎΡ‚ΠΎΡ€Ρ‹Π΅ Π² ΠΊΠΎΠ½Ρ†Π΅ ΠŸΠ΅Ρ€Π²ΠΎΠΉ ΠΌΠΈΡ€ΠΎΠ²ΠΎΠΉ ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅ΡˆΠ»ΠΈ Π½Π° сторону Арабского восстания (1916).

πŸ“ΈΠœΡƒΡ…Π°ΠΌΠΌΠ°Π΄ Амин Π—Π°ΠΊΠΈ (1924), ΠΎΡ‚Π΅Ρ† Π‘Π°Π½ΠΈΡ…ΠΈ Амин Π—Π°ΠΊΠΈ

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On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. "Markets were cheering this economic recovery and return to strong economic growth, but the cheers will turn to tears if the inflation outbreak pushes businesses and consumers to the brink of recession," he added. The news also helped traders look past another report showing decades-high inflation and shake off some of the volatility from recent sessions. The Bureau of Labor Statistics' February Consumer Price Index (CPI) this week showed another surge in prices even before Russia escalated its attacks in Ukraine. The headline CPI β€” soaring 7.9% over last year β€” underscored the sticky inflationary pressures reverberating across the U.S. economy, with everything from groceries to rents and airline fares getting more expensive for everyday consumers. For tech stocks, β€œthe main thing is yields,” Essaye said. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders.
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