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ุงู‚ุชุจุงุณุงุช ุฏูŠู†ูŠุฉ ๐Ÿ–ค

ุชุฐูƒูŠุฑ ุจุงู„ุฃุฐูƒุงุฑ๐Ÿ–ค

ุงุณู„ุงู…ูŠุงุช ุนุงู…ุฉ๐Ÿ–ค

ูƒู„ ูŠูˆู… ุญุฏูŠุซ ูˆุดุฑุญู‡๐Ÿ–ค

ู‚ุตุต ุนู† ุงู„ุตุญุงุจุฉ๐Ÿ–ค

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The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are โ€œprivate amongst their participants,โ€ but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. The Securities and Exchange Board of India (Sebi) had carried out a similar exercise in 2017 in a matter related to circulation of messages through WhatsApp. "There are several million Russians who can lift their head up from propaganda and try to look for other sources, and I'd say that most look for it on Telegram," he said. Emerson Brooking, a disinformation expert at the Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, said: "Back in the Wild West period of content moderation, like 2014 or 2015, maybe they could have gotten away with it, but it stands in marked contrast with how other companies run themselves today." Pavel Durov, Telegram's CEO, is known as "the Russian Mark Zuckerberg," for co-founding VKontakte, which is Russian for "in touch," a Facebook imitator that became the country's most popular social networking site.
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