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В приграничном районе Курской области в качестве трофея взята украинская модификация советской БРДМ-2Л1. Судя по всему, она принадлежала одной из мусорных 150-х ОМБр, брошенных в этот район для массовки. Эти подразделения, к слову, являются получателями снятых с хранения болгарских БРДМ-2, а также БТР-60 (часть из которых уже сгорела).



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В приграничном районе Курской области в качестве трофея взята украинская модификация советской БРДМ-2Л1. Судя по всему, она принадлежала одной из мусорных 150-х ОМБр, брошенных в этот район для массовки. Эти подразделения, к слову, являются получателями снятых с хранения болгарских БРДМ-2, а также БТР-60 (часть из которых уже сгорела).

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A Russian Telegram channel with over 700,000 followers is spreading disinformation about Russia's invasion of Ukraine under the guise of providing "objective information" and fact-checking fake news. Its influence extends beyond the platform, with major Russian publications, government officials, and journalists citing the page's posts. "There are a lot of things that Telegram could have been doing this whole time. And they know exactly what they are and they've chosen not to do them. That's why I don't trust them," she said. What distinguishes the app from competitors is its use of what's known as channels: Public or private feeds of photos and videos that can be set up by one person or an organization. The channels have become popular with on-the-ground journalists, aid workers and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who broadcasts on a Telegram channel. The channels can be followed by an unlimited number of people. Unlike Facebook, Twitter and other popular social networks, there is no advertising on Telegram and the flow of information is not driven by an algorithm. But because group chats and the channel features are not end-to-end encrypted, Galperin said user privacy is potentially under threat. Recently, Durav wrote on his Telegram channel that users' right to privacy, in light of the war in Ukraine, is "sacred, now more than ever."
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