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ΠΠ΅Π»Π° Π²ΠΎΡ ΡΠ°ΠΊ! ΠΠΎΠ»ΡΡΠΈΠΈΠ΅ ΠΊΠΎΡΠ΅ΠΉΠ½ΡΠ΅ ΠΊΡΡΠΆΠ΅ΡΠΊΠΈ Ρ Π·Π°ΠΉΠΊΠ°ΠΌΠΈ ΡΠΆΠ΅ Π²ΠΎΡ-Π²ΠΎΡ Π±ΡΠ΄ΡΡ Π³ΠΎΡΠΎΠ²Ρ Π² ΠΊΠΎΠ»ΠΈΡΠ΅ΡΡΠ²Π΅ ΠΠΠΠΠ πΌπΌ Π²ΡΠ΅ ΡΠ΄Π΅Π»Π°Π½Ρ ΡΡΠΊΠ°ΠΌΠΈ ΠΈΠ· ΠΊΠΎΠΌΠΊΠΎΠ² Π³Π»ΠΈΠ½Ρ, ΡΡΠ°ΡΠ΅Π»ΡΠ½ΠΎ ΠΎΡΡΠ»ΠΈΡΠΎΠ²Π°Π½Ρ ΠΈ ΠΎΡΠΊΠ°ΡΡΠ±Π°Π½Ρ Π΄ΠΎ ΡΠ°Π²Π½ΠΎΠΌΠ΅ΡΠ½ΠΎΠΉ ΡΠΎΠ½ΠΊΠΎΠΉ ΡΡΠ΅Π½ΠΎΡΠΊΠΈ
BY Usagi dayo! π ΠΠ΅ΡΠ°ΠΌΠΈΠΊΠ° ΡΡΡΠ½ΠΎΠΉ ΡΠ°Π±ΠΎΡΡ
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Telegram | DID YOU KNOW?
The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are βprivate amongst their participants,β but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. "He has kind of an old-school cyber-libertarian world view where technology is there to set you free," MarΓ©chal said. Emerson Brooking, a disinformation expert at the Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, said: "Back in the Wild West period of content moderation, like 2014 or 2015, maybe they could have gotten away with it, but it stands in marked contrast with how other companies run themselves today." In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. "The argument from Telegram is, 'You should trust us because we tell you that we're trustworthy,'" MarΓ©chal said. "It's really in the eye of the beholder whether that's something you want to buy into."
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