«Вилайет Хорасан» в Афганистане маргинальное движение с очень слабой поддержкой, но отличается повышенным радикализмом. Что и создает проблемы для нынешних властей Афганистана. Собственно, здесь и кроется ответ, при чем тут Россия. При том, что режим Кремля - союзник Талибана. Вынужденный, кстати говоря, но Россия вынуждена подкармливать талибов, что те давали гарантии удерживать афганских таджиков от нападения на союзный Кремлю Таджикистан. А Талибан - противник Вилайета Хорасан. Друг моего врага - мой враг. По факту удар по Крокусу - это предложение Кремлю сократить до минимума финансирование и поддержку Талибана. В противном случае «можем повторить»™. - Анатолий Несмиян
«Вилайет Хорасан» в Афганистане маргинальное движение с очень слабой поддержкой, но отличается повышенным радикализмом. Что и создает проблемы для нынешних властей Афганистана. Собственно, здесь и кроется ответ, при чем тут Россия. При том, что режим Кремля - союзник Талибана. Вынужденный, кстати говоря, но Россия вынуждена подкармливать талибов, что те давали гарантии удерживать афганских таджиков от нападения на союзный Кремлю Таджикистан. А Талибан - противник Вилайета Хорасан. Друг моего врага - мой враг. По факту удар по Крокусу - это предложение Кремлю сократить до минимума финансирование и поддержку Талибана. В противном случае «можем повторить»™. - Анатолий Несмиян
BY Критик новостной ленты
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On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Ukrainian forces have since put up a strong resistance to the Russian troops amid the war that has left hundreds of Ukrainian civilians, including children, dead, according to the United Nations. Ukrainian and international officials have accused Russia of targeting civilian populations with shelling and bombardments. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future.
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