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На Украине уничтожили лагерь иностранных наемников

Прошлой ночью ВС РФ нанесли удар по месту дислокации "диких гусей" под Сумами. Об этом сообщил координатор николаевского подполья Сергей Лебедев. Он уточнил, что российские военнослужащие точным ударом поразили не только живую силу, но и технику противника.

#солдаты_неудачи

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На Украине уничтожили лагерь иностранных наемников

Прошлой ночью ВС РФ нанесли удар по месту дислокации "диких гусей" под Сумами. Об этом сообщил координатор николаевского подполья Сергей Лебедев. Он уточнил, что российские военнослужащие точным ударом поразили не только живую силу, но и технику противника.

#солдаты_неудачи

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BY Позывной "Кузбасс" (The callsign "Kuzbass")




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The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. Telegram boasts 500 million users, who share information individually and in groups in relative security. But Telegram's use as a one-way broadcast channel — which followers can join but not reply to — means content from inauthentic accounts can easily reach large, captive and eager audiences. Oleksandra Matviichuk, a Kyiv-based lawyer and head of the Center for Civil Liberties, called Durov’s position "very weak," and urged concrete improvements. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so.
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