А теперь я расскажу как было на самом деле. Чеченцы отработали ПВО по гражданскому самолету азербайджанцев. Сразу же поняли, что натворили. Пришел запрет на посадку в Чечне, Ингушетии и Дагестане. Пилоты развернули самолет и полетели в Актау. Это был ближайший аэропорт через Каспийское море. Расчет был на то, что самолет упадет в море и получится скрыть повреждения от работы ПВО. Если бы русские пилоты, герои - не смогли бы перелететь море, то это бы сработало и мы бы все никогда не узнали правду. Птицы утопили самолет и так далее. И не было никого кто бы это опроверг.
А теперь я расскажу как было на самом деле. Чеченцы отработали ПВО по гражданскому самолету азербайджанцев. Сразу же поняли, что натворили. Пришел запрет на посадку в Чечне, Ингушетии и Дагестане. Пилоты развернули самолет и полетели в Актау. Это был ближайший аэропорт через Каспийское море. Расчет был на то, что самолет упадет в море и получится скрыть повреждения от работы ПВО. Если бы русские пилоты, герои - не смогли бы перелететь море, то это бы сработало и мы бы все никогда не узнали правду. Птицы утопили самолет и так далее. И не было никого кто бы это опроверг.
BY Alex Parker Returns
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At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. Telegram was co-founded by Pavel and Nikolai Durov, the brothers who had previously created VKontakte. VK is Russia’s equivalent of Facebook, a social network used for public and private messaging, audio and video sharing as well as online gaming. In January, SimpleWeb reported that VK was Russia’s fourth most-visited website, after Yandex, YouTube and Google’s Russian-language homepage. In 2016, Forbes’ Michael Solomon described Pavel Durov (pictured, below) as the “Mark Zuckerberg of Russia.” On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Groups are also not fully encrypted, end-to-end. This includes private groups. Private groups cannot be seen by other Telegram users, but Telegram itself can see the groups and all of the communications that you have in them. All of the same risks and warnings about channels can be applied to groups.
from ms
