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Экс-министр обороны Украины Лебедев и бывший народный мэр Севастополя Чалый снова делят один мандат в заксобрании от «Единой России». Лебедев выдвинул на праймериз донецкого землерешалу Новокшонова, вхожего в имущественный департамент при Развожаеве, Чалый – тихоню-контрольшика Аксенова, которого пристроили в городское правительство, когда тот проиграл Балаклаву другой клиентеле Лебедева – Лобач. // Крымский канал



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Экс-министр обороны Украины Лебедев и бывший народный мэр Севастополя Чалый снова делят один мандат в заксобрании от «Единой России». Лебедев выдвинул на праймериз донецкого землерешалу Новокшонова, вхожего в имущественный департамент при Развожаеве, Чалый – тихоню-контрольшика Аксенова, которого пристроили в городское правительство, когда тот проиграл Балаклаву другой клиентеле Лебедева – Лобач. // Крымский канал

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Official government accounts have also spread fake fact checks. An official Twitter account for the Russia diplomatic mission in Geneva shared a fake debunking video claiming without evidence that "Western and Ukrainian media are creating thousands of fake news on Russia every day." The video, which has amassed almost 30,000 views, offered a "how-to" spot misinformation. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said in a video message on Tuesday that Ukrainian forces "destroy the invaders wherever we can." That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so.
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