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Два крупных ДПТ с большегрузами произошли возле Темиртау в течение суток. Есть жертвы и пострадавшие.

В первой аварии на 1063 км автодороги "Алматы-Екатеринбург"столкнулись сразу три грузовых машины: два "Volvo" и "SHACMAN" .

Водитель одного из авто погиб на месте. Двое других не пострадали.

Спустя несколько часов на 1046 км этой же трассы занесло грузовой автомобиль «МAN». По предварительным данным полиции 32 - летний водитель не соблюдал скоростной режим. Мужчина был доставлен в Многопрофильную больницу Темиртау в отделение политравмы. Его состояние врачи оценивают как средней степени тяжести.



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Два крупных ДПТ с большегрузами произошли возле Темиртау в течение суток. Есть жертвы и пострадавшие.

В первой аварии на 1063 км автодороги "Алматы-Екатеринбург"столкнулись сразу три грузовых машины: два "Volvo" и "SHACMAN" .

Водитель одного из авто погиб на месте. Двое других не пострадали.

Спустя несколько часов на 1046 км этой же трассы занесло грузовой автомобиль «МAN». По предварительным данным полиции 32 - летний водитель не соблюдал скоростной режим. Мужчина был доставлен в Многопрофильную больницу Темиртау в отделение политравмы. Его состояние врачи оценивают как средней степени тяжести.

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The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. Soloviev also promoted the channel in a post he shared on his own Telegram, which has 580,000 followers. The post recommended his viewers subscribe to "War on Fakes" in a time of fake news. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Again, in contrast to Facebook, Google and Twitter, Telegram's founder Pavel Durov runs his company in relative secrecy from Dubai. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders.
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