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🔥⚡️В средиземном море затонуло российское судно принадлежащее «Оборонлогистике» и находившееся под санкциями США с 2022 года. Оно вывозило российскую технику из Тартуса.
На видео Ursa Major еще на плаву. Причина кораблекрушения-случившийся вчера взрыв.
Экипаж спасен испанским судном.

@nevzorovtv



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🔥⚡️В средиземном море затонуло российское судно принадлежащее «Оборонлогистике» и находившееся под санкциями США с 2022 года. Оно вывозило российскую технику из Тартуса.
На видео Ursa Major еще на плаву. Причина кораблекрушения-случившийся вчера взрыв.
Экипаж спасен испанским судном.

@nevzorovtv

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In a statement, the regulator said the search and seizure operation was carried out against seven individuals and one corporate entity at multiple locations in Ahmedabad and Bhavnagar in Gujarat, Neemuch in Madhya Pradesh, Delhi, and Mumbai. At its heart, Telegram is little more than a messaging app like WhatsApp or Signal. But it also offers open channels that enable a single user, or a group of users, to communicate with large numbers in a method similar to a Twitter account. This has proven to be both a blessing and a curse for Telegram and its users, since these channels can be used for both good and ill. Right now, as Wired reports, the app is a key way for Ukrainians to receive updates from the government during the invasion. "For Telegram, accountability has always been a problem, which is why it was so popular even before the full-scale war with far-right extremists and terrorists from all over the world," she told AFP from her safe house outside the Ukrainian capital. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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