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🪡«Саха сатаабата суох»: Талба талааннаахтар (28.11.24)

Социальнай хааччыйыы өрөспүүбүлүкэтээҕи кэлим киин иһинэн аҕам саастаах уонна доруобуйаларынан хааччаахтаах дьон анал дьиэтин талба талааннаах олохтоохторун кытары көрүстүбүт.

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🪡«Саха сатаабата суох»: Талба талааннаахтар (28.11.24)

Социальнай хааччыйыы өрөспүүбүлүкэтээҕи кэлим киин иһинэн аҕам саастаах уонна доруобуйаларынан хааччаахтаах дьон анал дьиэтин талба талааннаах олохтоохторун кытары көрүстүбүт.

Биэриини НВК «Саха» YouTube ханаалыгар көрүҥ.

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For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. "He has kind of an old-school cyber-libertarian world view where technology is there to set you free," Maréchal said. "Like the bombing of the maternity ward in Mariupol," he said, "Even before it hits the news, you see the videos on the Telegram channels." On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. In the past, it was noticed that through bulk SMSes, investors were induced to invest in or purchase the stocks of certain listed companies.
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