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Впрочем, как показала история белорусских протестов, то все упирается в наличии политической воли у действующей власти.

А места на условном Окрестина хватит для всех. В конце концов, как показала новейшая историческая практика, уж лучше локальная автократия, чем "открытый западный мир".

Выбор, конечно, сомнительный, но другого у грузин, белорусов и прочих нет и не будет.



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Впрочем, как показала история белорусских протестов, то все упирается в наличии политической воли у действующей власти.

А места на условном Окрестина хватит для всех. В конце концов, как показала новейшая историческая практика, уж лучше локальная автократия, чем "открытый западный мир".

Выбор, конечно, сомнительный, но другого у грузин, белорусов и прочих нет и не будет.

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In the United States, Telegram's lower public profile has helped it mostly avoid high level scrutiny from Congress, but it has not gone unnoticed. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. The last couple days have exemplified that uncertainty. On Thursday, news emerged that talks in Turkey between the Russia and Ukraine yielded no positive result. But on Friday, Reuters reported that Russian President Vladimir Putin said there had been some “positive shifts” in talks between the two sides. Asked about its stance on disinformation, Telegram spokesperson Remi Vaughn told AFP: "As noted by our CEO, the sheer volume of information being shared on channels makes it extremely difficult to verify, so it's important that users double-check what they read." Oleksandra Matviichuk, a Kyiv-based lawyer and head of the Center for Civil Liberties, called Durov’s position "very weak," and urged concrete improvements.
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