🖊 Prezident qaroribilan umumiy quvvati 50 kVt gacha boʻlgan quyosh panellarini oʻrnatgan jismoniy shaxslarga oʻz isteʼmolidan orttirib yagona elektr energetika tizimiga uzatilgan elektr energiyasining har bir kilovatt-soatiga Davlat budjetidan 1000 so‘mdan subsidiya ajratilishi belgilandi.
📲 Subsidiya har oyda “Soliq” mobil ilovasi orqali hisobot oyidan keyingi oyning 25-sanasiga qadar fuqarolarga to‘lab beriladi.
🖊 Prezident qaroribilan umumiy quvvati 50 kVt gacha boʻlgan quyosh panellarini oʻrnatgan jismoniy shaxslarga oʻz isteʼmolidan orttirib yagona elektr energetika tizimiga uzatilgan elektr energiyasining har bir kilovatt-soatiga Davlat budjetidan 1000 so‘mdan subsidiya ajratilishi belgilandi.
📲 Subsidiya har oyda “Soliq” mobil ilovasi orqali hisobot oyidan keyingi oyning 25-sanasiga qadar fuqarolarga to‘lab beriladi.
"And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford. Channels are not fully encrypted, end-to-end. All communications on a Telegram channel can be seen by anyone on the channel and are also visible to Telegram. Telegram may be asked by a government to hand over the communications from a channel. Telegram has a history of standing up to Russian government requests for data, but how comfortable you are relying on that history to predict future behavior is up to you. Because Telegram has this data, it may also be stolen by hackers or leaked by an internal employee. He said that since his platform does not have the capacity to check all channels, it may restrict some in Russia and Ukraine "for the duration of the conflict," but then reversed course hours later after many users complained that Telegram was an important source of information. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych.
from ms
